From ex-army chief to clinical psychologist, the public sector has been a reliable hunting ground for new candidates for the PAP, and now the opposition
Across much of Southeast Asia, political parties rely on charisma or dynastic clout to field candidates. In Singapore, however, it is the resignation of senior civil servants and military brass that often sets the stage for entry into politics - especially amid the beating of electoral drums.
The discussion around such high-ranking figures vacating their posts in an election year usually involves when and where they will be fielded by the ruling People's Action Party (PAP).
With the polls expected this month or the next, several recently resigned public servants have been spotted on the ground dressed in signature PAP white over the past week. They include the ex-army chief and a former second permanent secretary at the trade ministry, who left their posts earlier this year.
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According to Eugene Tan, a law professor at the Singapore Management University, the prolonged governance of the PAP has conditioned many Singaporeans to view certain attributes as key qualities in ideal candidates. These attributes encompass strong academic backgrounds, professional certifications, and technical expertise.
He mentioned that this is combined with a focus on meritocracy, highlighted by the most skilled and talented individuals in the political field. Therefore, political parties must demonstrate how well their candidates measure up.
Since 1959, even prior to Singapore achieving independence in 1965, the PAP has been at the helm of the nation's government, establishing itself as one of the most enduring ruling parties within contemporary democratic systems.
For many years, the PAP has relied heavily on the public service and military for recruiting talented individuals, thereby establishing itself as a party composed of experts and technocrats.
Prime Minister Lawrence Wong stepped down from his role at the Energy Market Authority prior to being nominated by the PAP for West Coast in 2011. His predecessor, Lee Hsien Loong, who is the son of Singapore's founding Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, served as a brigadier-general in the military before entering politics in 1984.
Apart from Wong, many of the nation's fourth-generation leadership group—often recognized as such—are experienced public servants. This includes Health Minister Ong Ye Kung, National Development Minister Desmond Lee, and Deputy Prime Minister Heng Swee Keat. Interestingly, Education Minister Chan Chun Sing transitioned into politics after resigning his position as military chief back in 2011.
Since 2006, at least one senior military official has resigned from their post to contest each election. Each of these officials went on to secure positions within government ministries following their electoral victories.
Elvin Ong, an associate professor of political science at the National University of Singapore, stated to This Week in Asia that the public sector has traditionally been a breeding ground for top-tier contenders for the PAP.
"Due to the frequent interactions between politicians and bureaucrats, voters have become quite acquainted with these candidates and can assess their personalities and capabilities. As a result, voters often view these candidates as highly capable and are more inclined to support them," Ong explained.
Independent political analyst Felix Tan observed that numerous previous public sector nominees were government scholars who thrived within the framework established by the PAP. They viewed joining politics under the party’s flag as an opportunity to reciprocate.
Regarding the effectiveness of selecting individuals from similar backgrounds for voter appeal, Felix Tan contended that Singaporean voters place greater importance on candidates' qualifications and trustworthiness.
In conclusion, the public has confidence in the PAP as a brand because it consistently places competent individuals in positions to create effective policies and manage the nation. Generally speaking, most members attracted to the PAP tend to be reliable, though there are some exceptions.
'Different as individuals'
Although certain online sentiments and alternative media outlets in the city-state claimed that military generals particularly lacked practical experience for serving the community, Terence Lee, a senior fellow at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, stated that there wasn’t enough proof to support this claim.
"Ng Chee Meng's defeat in 2020 doesn't mean that everyone who becomes a politician from an officer background will be rejected," Lee stated, commenting on the ex-lieutenant-general’s loss in Sengkang.
Lee pointed out that potential candidates should possess not only the transferable inherent abilities gained from their military service but also extrinsic skills related to interpersonal interactions and community involvement.
Teo Kai Key, a research fellow at the Institute of Policy Studies' Social Lab, stated, "Ultimately, it comes down to each individual candidate and their ability to build connections with voters, their contributions to Parliament, or as politicians. Despite being often grouped together, they vary significantly as individuals."
Malminderjit Singh, a political analyst, echoed her thoughts by stating that holding a high position within the public sector does not automatically classify someone as elite.
"As the ruling party that looks to form government, the PAP has to attract the top talent within the country, be they leaders from the public or private sector."
According to Singh, the public sector is one of the "traditional hunting grounds for the PAP" but for good reason, as some of the most successful and popular leaders in the party in the last few administration have been from the public service.
"Public servants have a good understanding of ground issues, of policy levers, of creating and communicating policies, of macro trade-offs and of servant leadership. All of which makes them a natural choice for political leadership," he said.
Ong noted that for former civil servants and ex-military personnel to better understand and represent residents' interests in parliament, it was important for them to have experience in the community.
"Ideally, a cabinet should have people with diverse demographics, skills, experiences and backgrounds, so that they can better assess a variety of perspectives when approaching policymaking and make more inclusive policies," he said.
One voter, Singaporean IT professional Royston Tang, aged 44, shared this view, emphasizing that individuals transitioning from top positions in the military must demonstrate their ability to understand and relate to citizens' issues. Additionally, Mr. Tang noted that these individuals ought to dedicate more time to familiarizing themselves with the specific ministries they might join as elected officials.
He contended that several of these ex-officers who became politicians appeared incapable of truly connecting with the individuals in their communities.
Tang proposed that a candidate's profile might benefit from a broader range of experience extending past their service in the military. He stated, "To attract current military personnel to become Members of Parliament, these individuals ought to have at least 15 years of actively engaging with the community rather than just showing up during election times."
Women and youth
According to experts, the sole deviation from convention in the PAP’s recruitment strategy appears to involve drawing in more youthful participants along with an increased number of female applicants.
In last August’s statement, Wong mentioned their intention to include more female candidates for the upcoming general election. He emphasized that increased diversity in representation would bring “a broader array of viewpoints and assist in developing superior solutions.”
In the previous election held in 2020, women secured 27 out of the 93 available seats, which is less than one-third of the total seats. In comparison, the percentage stood at approximately 24% in 2015 and 23% in 2011.
The Dean of NUS forecasts that the PAP will include more women among their candidates, ensuring that each Group Representation Constituency team has at least one female member.
Taking Sengkang, the second multi-member district won by the opposition in the previous election, as an illustration, Ong pointed out that a common argument for their defeat was the all-male composition of the PAP team. According to Ong, it’s improbable for the PAP to revert to those times.
Onlookers also point out that the new figures presented by the PAP have generally been quite youthful, mostly ranging from their mid-30s to early 40s.
"It seems like one of the PAP's selection criteria is also with an eye on continuity and party renewal," Teo said.
Eugene Tan argued that the recruitment emphasis in this general election was on young candidates. "This signals the ruling party's desire to get the millennial and Gen Z vote banks, the very demographics who are most receptive to appeals for more political diversity and competition," he said.
'No wipeout'
On the other side of the divide, as the opposition in Singapore continues to gain legitimacy through consistent parliamentary presence, it has also become increasingly able to attract well-qualified candidates of its own - some even from backgrounds once deemed exclusive to the ruling party.
While about half of the new candidates the PAP has fielded tend to come from the public sector, with the exception of 2015 when about 60 per cent were from the private sector, recruiting individuals fresh out of the public service has been a rare occurrence for the opposition.
Some exceptions include Workers' Party (WP) chair Sylvia Lim, who worked at a polytechnic when she ran for WP in 2006, former WP member and sociology professor at National University of Singapore Daniel Goh, and infectious diseases professor at the National University Health System Paul Tambyah who is the chairman of the Singapore Democratic Party.
Yet in recent weeks Ong Lue Ping, a senior principal clinical psychologist at the Institute of Mental Health, has been spotted working the ground in WP blue in the east of Singapore.
Previously, the main emerging contenders for the party were largely drawn from the business world and comprised a seasoned attorney, several consultants, and startup founders. In recent years, the WP has successfully attracted alumni from top-tier institutions including Harvard, Oxford, and Cambridge Universities.
Analysts interviewed by This Week in Asia suggested that this indicated a rising normalization of opposing political forces, primarily driven by the WP, which attained credibility through winning parliamentary seats.
"Ong from WP is neither the initial nor the final public sector employee to venture into opposition politics. This indicates that the stigma associated with opposition politics is no longer a significant concern," stated Tan from SMU.
During the 1980s and 1990s, individuals who opposed the government in Singapore faced lawsuits for defamation brought by PAP officials, often resulting in significant financial burdens or bankruptcy.
Nevertheless, Ong joining the WP signifies what "a mature political system ought to produce," as Tan stated.
He stated that as the quality of politicians from the opposing party narrows the gap with those from the PAP, it’s unlikely that the opposition will face total elimination in upcoming elections.
Teo further noted that numerous individuals who eventually joined the WP ranks were often volunteers or had previously worked with the party long before their involvement became known to the public or the media.
She noted that this demonstrates the WP’s general capability to attract and keep top-tier talent, along with their success in persuading these individuals to stand as candidates for the opposition.
The participation of civil servants in opposition parties indicates that the political environment in Singapore has advanced to a stage where multiple political entities can be considered for those interested in contributing to the country through politics.
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